Obama cant prove birth certificate november

I would like to see hi[s] actual birthplace when I, when I come to Kenya in December. Uh, was she present when he was, was she present when he was born in Kenya? Translator : Yes. She was present when Obama was born. The Berg transcript ends here. But when the full recording later came to light it showed that this is what followed immediately:. McRae: Okay, uh, when I come in December I would like to go by the, the place, the hospital where he is born. Uh, could you tell me where he was born?

Was he born in Mombasa? Long pause. Translator: No, no — what? Obama was not born in Mombasa. He was born in America. McRae: Wh-whereabouts, whereabouts was he born?

'Birther' Orly Taitz Takes on Obama in D.C. Federal Court - The BLT: The Blog of Legal Times

I, I thought he was born in Kenya. McRae: Do you know where he was born? I thought he was born in Kenya. I was gonna go by and see where he was born. Translator: Yeah, in this was Hawaii, where his father, his father was also marrying there.

This was Hawaii. McRae: OK.

Possible Proof Of Trump U.S. Birth Uncovered

I thought you said she was present. Was she, was, was she, was she able to see him being, being born in, in Hawaii? Translator: No, no! The, the woman was not present. She was uh not, a what — you see, she was here in Kenya, and Obama was born in America. It first appeared Nov.

Born in the U.S.A.

We recently interviewed Schreiber and asked how he obtained the tape. He said he remains skeptical of the tape. What would he tell Trump? If he is going to go on the record and start claiming things he needs to make sure the source is right. I would caution him on his proper role in the presidential primary.


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Worth noting is that Sarah Obama granted a number of interviews to reporters, and not one of them has quoted her as claiming the president was born in Kenya. Quite the contrary. A reporter for an Indianapolis television station filed this story shortly after Obama was elected in November, Trump also makes false claims about the document Obama produced in , claiming that it is not a birth certificate and has no signature or serial number:.

I saw his. I read it very carefully. But when we pressed the campaign for a better image, we were allowed to come to campaign headquarters and photograph it for ourselves, which we did. The U. This one does appear to meet State Department requirements. Trump, MSNBC: The hospital [in Hawaii] has not only no birth certificate, or if they have it they should produce it, or maybe there is something on it, who knows, but they have no records that he was there.

The family in Hawaii is fighting.

Obama’s Long-Form Birth Certificate

A couple of other things, when I was born in Jamaica hospital in Queens, when I was born there are records saying how much my parents paid for the doctor, who the doctor was, what room number I was born in, all of these things that I have. There is not one record in any hospital in Hawaii that Barack Hussein Obama was born there.


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  • What he was told is that any records of a birth from that long ago were probably destroyed many years ago, and even if they still existed the hospital could not release them to outsiders because of HIPAA. And what about details such as the doctor who delivered Trump and the room number where he and his mother stayed? Trump, April 7 : Now, let me just go to the final point. The final point on the birther. The final point is the newspaper. Well, guess what?

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    His grandparents probably put in a thing because everybody wanted to become a United States citizen, more so than today to be honest with you, because they were more proud in those days. But for purposes of hospitalization and welfare, you want to become an American citizen. So, the grandparents living in Honolulu, living in Hawaii, probably put it in.

    Barack H. Obama, Kalanianaole Hwy.

    Advertiser, July 28, : Such vital statistics, however, were not sent to the newspapers by the general public but by the Health Department, which received the information directly from hospitals, Okubo said. But racism endured nonetheless, erupting violently once again in the killings of Trayvon Martin, Jordan Davis and the Emanuel Nine in Charleston and, more ominously, in the flurry of deaths of unarmed black citizens at the hands of mostly white police.

    And it was curious, and hurtful, that Obama responded at times to the criticism by scolding black folk in public for making excuses he said were holding them back. Perhaps these were acts of self-defense by the president, perhaps not. Obama surely signifies blackness—he was and is our first black president, and wears that title proudly. But he has not tangled meaningfully with the political responses to the explicit expression of that backlash: his racist haters and the dark cultural current they occupy.

    Maybe Obama really was personally unaffected by their insults. But the bottom line is that vulnerable blacks like Martin, Davis and the Emanuel Nine ended up dead as victims of the same kind of racist hatred. How did Obama and the rest of us miss—or ignore—all the signs that this might happen? This was nothing new for him. All of these kinds of blackness are, of course, not mutually exclusive, and abundantly elastic and malleable.


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    • But they are worth enumerating to understand the broader tension that Obama plays into: the long-running debate, and often battle, over versions of blackness in America. There is the symbolic blackness that the president perfectly embodies. There is, too, substitute blackness , in which luminaries like Michelle Obama and former Attorney General Eric Holder supply the blackness—the resonant cultural tropes, the signifying gestures, the explicit mention of race in context—that a figure like Obama, bound on all sides by demands and constraints, can barely acknowledge, much less embrace.

      Then there is surplus blackness , which is too much blackness for many outside the race, and some inside it. Al Sharpton and Jesse Jackson are some noted examples, figures whose blackness is never in question, even if the use and force of it depends on the situation at hand or the need of the group at the moment.